ANALYSIS The Cobrapost investigation gives a ring of credibility to the suspicion that has been in the air for well over two decades: the demolition of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya on 6 December, 1992 was not a spontaneous, spur of the moment act by the kar sevaks; it was a well-planned and perfectly executed operation involving players beyond the Sangh Parivar and also men with thorough military expertise.
It was a conspiracy of massive dimensions. The Editor of an Urdu daily, who one met during the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in 2012, had to say this: “The engineering of the structure is such that it could not have been brought down by an unruly mob armed with iron rods, spades and lathis.
It requires precise planning, a whole lot of manpower and perhaps low-intensity explosives handled by experts…” He said defence personnel, both former and serving, were involved in the operation from the beginning and they had trained people for the job.
On the role of the BJP and the Sangh Parivar leaders in the episode, he had said while their role is no secret, the complicity of then prime minister Narasimha Rao cannot be ignored.
“He knew about the demolition and even extended indirect assistance to the perpetrators,” he added. One was full of skepticism about his assertion then, but interaction with others, including some Hindutva hardliners who were close to the action, suggested that many believed in his theory.
The Cobrapost revelation adds weight to it. There must a caveat here though: sting operations are open to questions and these by no means reveal the whole truth. If what is revealed is true, even partially if not substantially, then it raises some disturbing questions. First, just how deep is the connection between the Hindutva brigade and the military personnel?
As passionate proponents of macho nationalism, the BJP and the Sangh Parivar have a fascination for things military. But have they managed to make sections of the latter partners in promotion of ideology? If retired personnel were involved in training the men who brought down the mosque then, what is the depth of the engagement now? The Babri demolition preparation was kept a well-guarded secret for long.
What’s the guarantee that another such operation is not in the works? There is reason to believe that Nehruvian secularism is under persistent attack from the Hindutva brigade and they have infiltrated crucial institutions. While the so-called secular political parties have been frittering away their energy in routine political shenanigans, the Right has been consolidating its position in the political space.
However, the matter does not remain political when institutions turn into instruments of promotion of ideology. The Army has to be insulated from ideology. The government was apparently complicit then, but is it aware of the real threat such liasons poses to the country now? One important takeaway from the Cobrapost revelation is that the streak of majoritarianism runs through all the parties. Secularism is only a pretense, a tool of political expediency.
If a prime minister of the Congress can be complicit in the demolition of a communally sensitive structure, then there’s little hope for minorities in the country. There are allegations that Congress workers were involved in the Gujarat riots of 2002 and BJP workers in the anti-Sikh riots of 1984.
The Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh does not really mind the Sangh Parivar polarizing Hindu votes as it gains by reverse polarization of Muslim votes in its favour. Other secular parties have been playing similar games in other states. Now, whose job is it to keep communal ideology and politics apart? It is time to do a reality check.
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